آغازگر جُستار
هر چه بیشتر کتاب را میخواند, بیشتر به این نتیجه میرسم که آنچیزی که امیر در جایگاه زنپرستی و ارزش‌هایِ مادینگرایانه[1] بازشناخته براستی پیوندی به خودِ مادینگرایی[2] ندارد و در چهره‌یِ کلیِ سیستمی همبودین[3]/فندآورین‌ای که در آن زندگی میکنیم.
چیزیکه اینجا داریم:
تنها بازنمود از همان ارزش‌هایی است که در سیستمِ ما ارزشمند شناخته میشوند و امیر در جایگاهِ «ارزش‌هایِ زنانه» آنها را بازشناخته, ارزش‌هایی مانند:
همکاری
خشونت‌هراسی
دگرخواهی بجای خودخواهی
امن بودن به کارهای مخاطره‌انگیز
...
کازینسکی در آغاز کتاب بزیبایی و بروشنی هر چه بیشتر جنبش نیروهایِ چپ را در نه در ساختارشکنی, که در تقویت ِ هوشمندانه‌یِ سیستمِ تکنولوژیک ما مینمایاند, پیش
از هر چیز ما تعریفی از اینکه سیستم چه نیست داریم:
Let's begin by making clear what the System is not. The System is not
George W. Bush and his advisors and appointees, it is not the cops who
maltreat protesters, it is not the CEOs of the multinational corporations, and
it is not the Frankensteins in their laboratories who criminally tinker with
the genes of living things. All of these people are servants of the System, but
in themselves they do not constihlte the System. In particular, the personal
and individual values, attihldes, beliefs, and behavior of any of these people
may be significantly in conflict with the needs of the System.
To illustrate with an example, the System requires respcet for property
rights, yet CEOs, cops, scientists, and politicians sometimes steal. (In
speaking of stealing we don't have to confine ourselves to aehlal lifting of
physical objects. We can include all illegal means of acquiring property,
such as cheating on income t[LX, accepting bribes, and any other form of
graft or corruption.) But the fact that CEOs, cops, scientists, and politicians
sometimes steal does not mean that stealing is part of the System. On the
contrary, when a cop or a politician steals something he is rebelling against
the System's requirement of respect for law and property. Yet, even when
they are stealing, these people remain servants of the System as long as they
publicly maintain their support for law and property.
سپس از تکانه‌هایِ[4] شورشجویی میخوانیم (چیزیکه در همین دفترچه‌یِ خودمان بگونه‌ای داریم):
All of us in modern society are hemmed in by a dense network of rules
and regulations. We are at the mercy of large organizations such as
corporations, governments, labor unions, universities, churches, and political
parties, and consequently we are powerless. As a result of the servitude, the
powerlessness, and the other indignities that the System inflicts on us, there
is widespread frustration, which leads to an impulse to rebel. And this is
where the System plays its neatest trick: Through a brilliant sleight of hand,
it turns rebellion to its own advantage.
Many people do not understand the roots of their own frustration, hence
their rebellion is directionless. They know that they want to rebel, but they
don't know what they want to rebel against. Luckily, the System is able to
fill their need by providing them with a list of standard and stereotyped
grievances in the name of which to rebel: racism, homophobia, women's
issues, poverty, sweatshops . . . the whole laundry-bag of "activist" issues.
Huge numbers of would-be rebels take the bait. In fighting racism,
sexism, etc., etc., they are only doing the System's work for it. In spite of this,
they imagine that they are rebelling against the System. How is this possible?
First, SO years ago the System was not yet committed to equality for
black people, women and homosexuals, so that action in favor of these
causes really was a form of rebellion. Consequently these causes came to be
conventionally regarded as rebel causes. They have retained that status today
simply as a matter of tradition; that is, because each rebel generation imitates
the preceding generations.
...
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1. ^ mâd+in+gerâ::Mâdingerâ <— Mâdingerây || مادینگرا: فمینیست Ϣiki-En feminist
2. ^ mâd+in+gerây+i::Mâdingerâyi || مادینگرایی: فمینیسم feminism
3. ^ ham+bud+in::Hambudin || همبودین: اجتماعی Ϣiki-En social
4. ^ tekân+e::Tekâne || تکانه: برانگیختگی ناگهانی Ϣiki-En, Ϣiki-Pâ impulse
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